Risk weights are to access to credit what protectionist tariffs are to trade, only more pernicious.

A letter to the Executive Directors and Staff of the International Monetary Fund.

For decades now IMF has helped to spread around all developing countries the pillar of the Basel Committee’s bank regulations; the risk weighted capital requirements for banks.

Since risk taking is in essence the oxygen of any development, that piece of regulation is fundamentally flawed, especially for developing countries.

How do risk weighted capital requirements alter the incentives for banks? 

If banks hold the same capital against their whole portfolio, as they used do until some three decades ago, then with an eye on their overall portfolio and funding structure, banks lend in accordance to what produces them the highest risk adjusted interest rate; which would also provide them with the highest risk adjusted return on equity.

But, when different assets have different capital requirements, obtaining the highest risk adjusted return on equity will depend on how many times the risk adjusted interest rate for any specific loan or asset will depend on how many times it can be leveraged. The higher the allowed leverage is, the easier it is to obtain a high ROE; which means that “safe” highly leveregable loans could be competitive at lower risk adjusted interest rates than before, while “risky” lower leveregable loans would require paying higher risk adjusted interest rates. 

In essence the introduction of that regulation has caused banks to substitute savvy loan officers with equity minimizing engineers.

How do risk weighted capital requirements distort the allocation of bank credit?

The regulators based their decision on how much banks were allowed to leverage their capital with for the different assets, solely on the perceptions of credit risk. It never explicitly had one iota to do with banks fulfilling their obligation of allocating credit efficiently to the real economy.

So the introduction of that regulation simply distorts the allocation of bank credit; in favor of “the safer present” and against “the riskier future”. 

“A ship in harbor is safe, but that is not what ships are for”, John A Shedd.

Specifically, a credit that is perceived as risky but that is directly related to helping reach a Sustainable Development Goal is much less favored by bankers, and now by bank regulators too, than a credit, perceived as safe, but which purpose could in fact be harmful to any SDG.

Specifically, safe credits for the purchase of houses are much more favored over credits to risky entrepreneurs, those who could create the jobs that would allow the income needed to service the mortgages and pay the utilities. 

Specifically, assigning lower risk weights to the sovereign than to citizens de implies de facto a statist belief that bureaucrats know better what to do with bank credit, than entrepreneurs who put their name on the line.

In other words these risk weight are to access to credit what tariffs are to trade, only much more pernicious. 

Do risk weighted capital requirements make our banks system safer?

If that regulation made the financial system safer there would at least be a favorable tradeoff. But it doesn’t, much the contrary. Too much easy credit can turn what is safe into something risky, like for instance morphing houses from being affordable homes into investment assets. 

The 2007/2008-bank crisis would never have happened or, if so, remotely had been of the same scale had regulators, for their risk weights, instead of perceived credit risk risks, used the probabilities of banks investing conditioned on how credit risks were perceived.

Many Eurozone sovereigns would not face current high levels of indebtedness had not EU authorities decreed a Sovereign Debt Privilege and assigned it a 0% risk weight, this even though they take on debt denominated in a currency that de facto is not their domestic printable one.

And so, at the end of the day, this regulation only guarantees especially large bank crisis, caused by especially large exposures to what was perceived (or decreed) as especially safe, which end up being especially risky, and are held against especially little capital.

Risk weighted capital requirements and inequality.

John Kenneth Galbraith wrote: “The function of credit in a simple society is, in fact, remarkably egalitarian. It allows the man with energy and no money to participate in the economy more or less on a par with the man who has capital of his own. And the more casual the conditions under which credit is granted and hence the more impecunious those accommodated, the more egalitarian credit is… the poor risk… is another name for the poor man.” “Money: Whence it came where it went” 1975.

So I ask, how many millions of SMEs and entrepreneurs have not been given the opportunity to advance with credits over the last 25 years as a direct result of it?

IMF, please, wake up!

Should banks not be regulated? 

Of course these need to be regulated! I am only reminding everyone of the fact that the damage dumb bank regulators can cause when meddling without taking enough care, by far surpasses anything the free market can do. A free market would never have knowingly allowed banks to leverage 62.5 times their equity like regulators did, only because some very few human fallible credit rating agencies had assigned an AAA to AA rating to some securities backed with mortgages to the US subprime sector. 

A simple leverage ratio between 10 to 15% for all banks assets would be a much mote effective regulation than all those thousands of pages that currently exist.

And please, please, please, stop talking about "deregulation" in the presence of such an awful and intrusive mis-regulation. The regulators imposed the worst kind of capital controls.

Of course, just in case, all problems here referred to, are clearly applicable to developed economies too.

Sincerely,

Per Kurowski

@PerKurowski

PS. Basel Committee’s distortion of credit allocation explained to dummies, in just four tweets.

PS. “The assets assigned the lowest risk, for which capital requirements were therefore low or nonexistent, were those that had the most political support: sovereign credits and home mortgages. Ironically, losses on those two types of assets would fuel the global crisis in 2008 and a subsequent European crisis in 2011”, “Keeping at it” 2018, Paul Volcker

PS. My 2019 letter to the Financial Stability Board

PS. An ever growing aide memoire on Basel Committee’s many mistakes.

PS. The risk weighted bank capital requirements utterly distorted central banks’ monetary policy by directing way too much credit to what’s decreed or perceived as “safe”, sovereign/ residential mortgages/ AAA rated; and way too little to “risky” SMEs and entrepreneurs.

PS. Because it would also create distortions I am not proposing it, but would not risk weighted bank capital requirements based on SDGs ratings at least show more purpose for our banks? And, in the case of sovereigns, besides credit ratings, do we citizens not also need ethic ratings?

PS. “Are Basel bank regulations good for development?” a document presented at the High-level Dialogue on Financing for Developing at the United Nations, New York, October 2007.

PS. GDP growth based on too much carbs and too little proteins? Muscular or obese?

PS. Being creditworthy and being worthy of credit, c'est pas la même chose :-(

PS. And I am no newcomer to this issue

PS. Here AI - ChatGPT opining on risk weights and tariffs

Mario Draghi, President of the ECB and Chair of the European Systemic Risk Board shows, again, he has dangerous little understanding about the true nature of systemic risks.

“Systemic risk refers to the risk of a breakdown of an entire system rather than simply the failure of individual parts. In a financial context, it captures the risk of a cascading failure in the financial sector, caused by interlinkages within the financial system, resulting in a severe economic downturn.”

I refer to Mario Draghi’s welcome remarks at the third annual conference ofthe European Systemic Risk Board (ESRB), September 27, 2018

1. “The need for high-quality data: Policymakers’ ability to act hinges crucially on the availability of high-quality data. Data allow policymakers to identify, analyse and quantify emerging risks. Data also provide policymakers with the necessary knowledge to be able to target and calibrate their tools and to be aware of possible spillovers, or attempts to circumvent regulations”

a. The more you believe you are in possession of “high-quality data” the more you set yourself up for a systemic risk, like when banks were led by their regulators to believe that risk of assets rated AAA were minimal.

b. The more regulators might be tempted to “target and calibrate their tools” without considering how the markets might already have calibrated and targeted that “high-quality data”, the more they might generate the systemic risk of giving that “high-quality data” excessive consideration. Like when bank regulators, ignoring the conditional probabilities, based their risk weighted capital requirements basically on the same credit risk bankers were already perceiving and clearing for.

2. “Reflecting the targeted nature with which macroprudential policy can be applied, some countries have considered varying implementation by geographical area, to strengthen the impact on local hotspots. These policy actions have helped mitigate movements in real estate prices.”

But trying to contain “hotspots” and not allowing the market to determine the movements of real estate prices contains the clear and present systemic risk of pushing credit into “weak-spots” and not where it could be mots useful for the economy. Like when bank regulators by giving preferential risk weights to the “safe” sovereign and “safe” houses, negates credit to the “risky” entrepreneurs.

3. “Non-bank finance is playing an increasingly important role in financing the economy. Policymakers need a comprehensive macroprudential toolkit to act in case existing risks migrate outside the banking sector or new risks emerge.And that means widening the toolkit so that policymakers are able to effectively confront risks emerging beyond the banking sector.”

No, regulators who have not been able to regulate banks, and caused the 2008 crisis, and caused the tragedy of Greece, have not earned the right to expand their regulatory franchise anywhere.

4. “Conclusion: Policymakers across Europe have proven willing to use macroprudential policy to address risks and vulnerabilities. These measures have helped counter the build-up of risks”

NO! Regulators who still use risk weighted capital requirements based on that what is perceived as risky is more dangerous to our bank system than what is perceived as safe, have no idea about basic macroprudential policies.

NO! Regulators who still believe that with their risk weighted capital requirements for banks they can distort the allocation of credit without weakening the real economy; and who do not understand how dangerously pro cyclical the risk weighted bank capital requirements are, have no idea about basic macroprudential policies.

PS. My views on some systemic risks, as expressed at the Board of the World Bank in 2003.

PS. Here is an aide memoire on the mistakes in the risk weighted capital requirements for banks.

Who did the eurozone in?

There are of course many suspicious characters to blame for the eurozone’s pains, not the least the fact that it was created without any strong fiscal root system.

In November 1998, in an Op-Ed titled “Burning the bridges in Europe”, which title had to do with the fact there no escape-route from the euro had been considered. I also wrote there: “That the European countries will subordinate their political desires to the whims of a common Central Bank that may be theirs but really isn’t, is not a certainty. Exchange rates, while not perfect, are escape valves. By eliminating this valve, European countries must make their economic adjustments in real terms. This makes these adjustments much more explosive.”

But, there is one huge piece of evidence that is ignored by most of those trying to explain the current troubles. That evidence is the “risk-weights”, the smoking-gun which we find in the hands of the butlers in charge of regulating the banks, and who have their quarters in the Basel Committee for Banking Supervision. Yes, it was some butlers who did the eurozone in! 

The bank butlers, naturally concerned about the safety of the banks, imposed a basic bank capital requirement of 8 percent; applicable for instance when banks lent to European small unrated businesses. In this case that limited the leverage of bank equity to a reasonable 12.5 times to one. 

But, when banks lent to a sovereign, with credit ratings such as those Greece-Portugal-Italy-Spain had during the buildup of their huge mountains of debt, the bank butlers, because this lending seemed so safe to them, and perhaps because they also wanted to be extra friendly with the governments who appointed them, they applied a “risk-weight” of only 20 percent. And that translated into an amazingly meager capital requirement of 1.6 percent; and which allowed the banks to leverage their capital when lending to the infallible a mind-blowing 62.5 times. 

The result was that if a bank lent to a small business and made a risk-and-cost-adjusted-margin of 1 percent, it could earn 12.5 percent a year, not much to write home about. But, if instead it earned that same risk-and-cost-adjusted-margin lending to a Greece, it could then earn 62.5 percent on your bank equity… and that, as you can understand, is really the stuff of which huge bank bonuses are made of, and also the hormones that cause banks to grow into too-big-to-fail. 

And, as should have been expected, the banks went bananas lending to “safe” sovereigns. With such incentives, who wouldn’t? Just the same way they went bananas buying those AAA rated securities that were collateralized with lousily awarded mortgages to the subprime sector, and to which the bank-regulating-butlers also applied the risk-weight of 20 percent. And of course the governments also went the way of the banana-republics, and borrowed excessively. What politicians could have resisted such temptations? 

And it was these generous financing conditions, and all the ensuing loans, which helped to hide all the misalignments and disequilibrium within the eurozone… until it was too late. 

Now how could these bank-regulating-butlers do a criminally stupid thing like that? The main reasons were: the bank butlers only concerned themselves trying to make the banks safe, and did not care one iota about who the banks were lending to and for what purpose; they ignored that banks were already discriminating based on perceived risks so what they were doing was to impose an additional layer of risk-perception-discrimination; they completely forgot that no bank crisis in history has ever resulted from an excessive exposure to what was considered as “risky”, but that these have always been the consequence of excessive exposures to what, at the moment when the loans were placed on the banks balance sheet, was considered to be absolutely “not-risky”. 

Also, when the bank-regulating-butlers decided to outsource much of the risk-perception function to some few credit-risk-rating-butlers, two additional mistakes were made. First, they completely forgot that what they needed to concern themselves with was not with the credit ratings being right, but with the possibility of these being wrong; and second, that what they needed most needed to look at was not so much the significance of the credit ratings meant, but how the bankers would act and react to these. 

And the consequences of these regulatory failure in the eurozone, are worsening by the day, or by the nanosecond… because these bank capital requirements have the banks jumping from the last ex-ante-officially-perceived-no-risk-sovereign now turned risky, to the next ex-ante-officially-perceived-no-risk-sovereign about-to-turn risky … all while bank equity is going more and more into the red… and becoming more and more scarce. 

What could be done? One solution could be that of declaring a ten year new capital requirement moratorium on all current bank exposures; allowing the banks to run new lending with whatever new capital they can raise, while imposing an equal 8 percent capital requirement on any bank business, no risk-weighting. If there’s an exception, that should be on lending to small businesses and entrepreneurs, in which case they could require, for instance, only 6 percent of capital, because these borrowers do not pose any systemic risk, and also because of: when the going gets to be risky, all of us risk-adverse need the “risky” risk-takers to get going. 

But that requires of course a complete new set of bank-regulating-butlers… as the current should not even be issued any letters of recommendations. Let’s face it, after such a horrendous flop as Basel II, neither Hollywood nor Bollywood, would ever dream of allowing the same producers and directors to do a Basel III, and much less with only small script changes and the same actors.

The saddest part is that many of those in charge of helping Europe to get out of the current mess that they helped to create, might be busying themselves more with dusting off their own fingerprints.

If there is any place that deserves an occupation... that is Basel!

PS. Years later I learned that all this was just so much worse. EU authorities had assigned all eurozone sovereigns’ debts a 0% risk weight, even Greece’s, even if they were all taking on debt denominated in a currency that was not denominated in their own domestic/printable fiat currency. Unbelievable! And then EU authorities put the whole blame for Greece's troubles on Greece and did not even consider paying for the cost of their own mistake. Is that a way to build a union? No way Jose!