0% to claims on central governments and central banks denominated in national currency and funded in that currency.
100% to claims on the private sector.
That means banks can leverage much more whatever net margin a sovereign borrower offers than what it can leverage loans like to entrepreneurs. That means banks will find it easier to earn high risk adjusted returns on their equity lending to the sovereign than for instance when lending to entrepreneurs. That means it will lend too much at too low rates to the sovereign and too little at too high rates to entrepreneurs.
In other words Basel I introduced pure and unabridged statism into our bank regulations.
Basel II of June 2004 in its Standardized Risk Weight, for the same credit ratings, also set lower risk weights for claims on sovereigns than for claims on corporates.
In a letter published by FT November 2004 I asked: “How many Basel propositions will it take before they start realizing the damage they are doing by favoring so much bank lending to the public sector. In some developing countries, access to credit for the private sector is all but gone, and the banks are up to the hilt in public credits.”
And the European Commission, I do not know when, to top it up, assigned a Sovereign Debt Privilege of a 0% risk weight to all Eurozone sovereigns, even when these de facto do not take on debt in a national printable currency.
And, to top it up, the ECB launched its Quantitative Easing programs, QEs, purchasing European sovereign debts.
At the end of the day, the difference between the interest rates on sovereign debt that would exist in the absence of regulatory subsidies and central bank purchases, and the current ultra low or even negative rates, is just a non-transparent tax, paid by those who save.
Financial communism